Cooperation between the Government and non-Government sector
ExpiredCompletely unattractive, but unavoidable part of our everyday life are forms. Paper or electronic forms prescribed by the authorities in order to “classify” different subjects with whom they communicate, that is, to force them give the information they give in previously determined form. They are not so popular, on the contrary, they often cause irritation, because people see them as unnecessary burden without any sense, which is actually often the case. Not always, however, sometimes due to the possibility to use the modern technologies, simplified communication and elimination of surplus and unimportant, the value of utilization of forms can be easily recognized. But it is a rare exception that a form, regardless of what kind, deserves attention wider than the one we necessarily give to it as directly interested.
By the beginning of this month the Ministry of Finances has by prescribing the new image of forms for submitting reports on how to spend money during pre-election campaigns, has offered us a chance to see such an exception. Prescribing new form might present the first step in differentiating from the usual bad practice. The new form would completely obviously enable the public access to significantly more precise data about the structure of revenues and expenditures of political parties. It is a well known fact that in practice until now, the obligation of political parties to submit such reports has been treated completely formally, so the parties have submitted summary reports with data useless for any serious analytical approach. It often gave, judging already from the first look, in relation to reality, doubtful, and reports that practically could not be checked.
The new form envisages submitting of the report containing specific data about the structure and level of individual positions. Data about public sources, that is funds from the budget of the Republic, local self-government and data about private sources, from membership fee, donation by legal entities and physical persons in money, things and free services, with quotations of their name, that is the name of the donor for contributions over 6000 dinars, as well as about the revenues from the property of political parties, promotional activities and legacies. The expenditures could be more precisely classified into costs of billboards, advertisements, shows, publications and other activities with quotation of the amount of cost and recipient of the funds.
Benefit from such reporting is obvious for bodies in charge of controlling financing of political parties. Benefit from the affirmation of the rights of citizens to know how the money is spent, also can not be denied, the money that they provide in the larger part by filling the budget. Finally, it is obvious that, if there is wish and will, that those reports can be useful to the bodies in charge of fight against corruption. But, alongside the mentioned benefits, there is something in addition in the new form deserving attention. That is the way how we have reached it. The form has been made by the authorities, but the initiative for its passing has not originated within the power circle. That is the idea which has been couple of weeks ago articulated and launched by Transparency Serbia, non-governmental organization enjoying respect beyond doubt in fight against corruption. The idea has been supported by the media representatives, primarily BETA agency and they have provided significant publicity for it. People from the Ministry, and the Minister of Finance have reacted to this in the right way, resulting in the new form.
The way in which we have reached the form is maybe even more valuable than its contents. That way reminds us well of something which is in many countries of the world accepted and recognized as useful, and here is unfortunately difficult to understand.
Corruption is a phenomenon which, when you want to overcome it, after it has reached worrying dimensions as it has here, requires engagement of all available social potentials. In such conditions the fight against corruption must not represent the "monopoly" of power. Potentials of the power apparatus are not only objectively limited, but from the subjective aspect it is not possible to circumvent the fact that the readiness of power to really strike at the sources of corruption is limited, and that numerous corruption sources have been located within the power apparatus. Numerous states have reached results in fight against corruption thanks to good cooperation of the governmental and non-government sector. There are also examples when that cooperation reaches institutionalized forms. In Mexico, for instance, Transparensia Mexicana, their counterpart of Transparency Serbia has for several times been a formal participant in the mechanism for controlling state tenders worth hundreds of millions of dollars. There are many such examples, almost unthinkable of from our perspective.
It is undisputable that corruption most heavily affects the citizens. Primarily due to that, the citizens, civil sector, media and the public need to have not only possibility, but also the right to stand up against corruption. That right is matched by the obligation of the power to recognize the useful impulses they shall send. The main value of the new form is that it might trigger maybe even false hope, that the government has started to recognize that obligation. The author is the Commissioner for Information.
